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COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT. 



My German Correspondence 

Concerning Germany's responsibility for 
the war and for the method of its conduct, 
being a letter from a German Professor 
together with a reply and foreword 



By 
Professor Douglas W. Johnson 



COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY. NEW YORK CITY 
AUTHOR OF "THE PERIL OF PRUSSIANISM" 




New York 
George H. Doran Company 



s 
v^ 






COPYRIGHT, 1917, 
BY GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY 



NOV 19 1917 



PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 



©CLA477638 



Contents 



PAGE 



I Foreword 9 

II The Letter from a German Pro- 
fessor 17 

III The Replyto the German Professor 37 



[v] 



Foreword 



I 
Foreword 



A few weeks after the outbreak of the 
world war in 1914, I began to receive from 
several of my German colleagues letters in 
which the righteousness of Germany's 
cause and the iniquity of her enemies' con- 
duct were vigorously asserted. Although 
written by men of strongly contrasted per- 
sonalities, living in widely separated parts 
of the German Empire, the letters were 
strikingly similar in tone. All betrayed the 
most bitter resentment that American opin- 
ion should incline in favor of Belgium and 
her defenders; all were filled with the 
charges, long since become familiar to our 
ears, that the American people were 
"drowned in English lies," and the Ameri- 
can press "bought with English gold." 

In a few of these letters extreme bitter- 
ness of spirit betrayed the author into using 
language which made any reply impossible. 
[9] 



My German Correspondence 

To most of them a response was sent which 
carefully avoided discussion of the issues of 
the war, but expressed concern for the per- 
sonal sacrifices my colleagues were endur- 
ing for their Fatherland. Some were send- 
ing sons, all were sending beloved students, 
to die on the field of battle. However much 
we might disagree as to the causes and ob- 
jects of the war, both they and I could com- 
prehend its tragic sorrows; and it seemed 
that sympathetic interest in the suffering of 
my German friends might help to keep in- 
tact the bridges of personal friendship to 
span the chasm opening between Germany 
and America. 

In one case only did I venture to discuss 
the merits of the German cause and to in- 
terpret American opinion on the war. One 
of my colleagues, after writing several let- 
ters to which I thought it wiser to attempt 
no answer, addressed to me a long commu- 
nication in which a sincere and earnest ef- 
fort was made to justify by reasoned argu- 
ment Germany's conduct in the war. The 
evident care which the author had bestowed 
upon his task, and the unmistakable sin- 
[10] 



Foreword 



cerity of his belief in the justice of all he 
wrote, demanded that I should reply in 
equal good faith. The letter which forms 
the basis of this little book represents an 
attempt to express to my German colleague 
America's judgment on the issues of the 
war, and the grounds upon which that judg- 
ment rests. 

A word about the subsequent history of 
this letter may not be inappropriate. It 
was not written for publication, and the idea 
that it might contain matter of interest to 
the public was an afterthought. Unbound- 
ed admiration for the magnificent heroism 
of France as she battled to stem the tide of 
Prussian barbarism first suggested to me the 
thought that there might be some comfort 
for my French colleagues in the statement 
of American opinion which the letter con- 
tained. A copy was circulated among a few 
personal friends at the Sorbonne, and ap- 
peared by permission in the Revue de Paris 
of September, 1916. It was later issued 
in brochure form from the press of Armand 
Colin under the title "Lettre d'un Ameri- 
cain a un Allemand." In the French trans- 
[11] 



My German Correspondence 

lation the author is indebted to his good 
friend and colleague, Professor Albert De~ 
mangeon, for a beauty of style and an elo- 
quence of expression which he has been un- 
able to discover in the English original. 
Extracts from the letter have since been 
translated into most of the languages of 
Europe and published as an expression of 
America's attitude toward the menace of 
German autocracy. The publicity depart- 
ment of the British Government issued the 
English text as a pamphlet entitled "Plain 
Words from America." 

The communication which called forth 
my letter has not heretofore been published. 
It is included in the present booklet for the 
reason that since America's entrance into the 
struggle it seems particularly appropriate 
that any analysis of American opinion on 
the issues of the war presented to American 
readers should contain a fair statement of 
our enemy's opinion on those issues. Both 
in spirit and in content my correspondent's 
letter is typical of many received from 
other German university professors, and of 
the manifestoes, appeals, and interviews of 
[12] 



Foreword 



various German intellectuals already pub- 
lished in this country during the last three 
years. One cannot doubt, therefore, that it 
fairly represents the attitude of educated 
Germans toward the war and toward Amer- 
ica; and since it deals wholly with questions 
of international concern and contains noth- 
ing of a personal nature, there can be no 
impropriety in its publication so long as 
the identity of the author is not revealed 
without his permission. It is a fortunate 
circumstance that the letter was addressed 
to me in the English language, for it is thus 
possible to reproduce it verbatim and avoid 
danger of modifying either meaning or 
spirit in translation. The general excel- 
lence of the English text is in itself an indi- 
cation of the writer's high intellectual 
standing. 

I have often been asked whether my reply 
reached its destination. I have no knowl- 
edge on this point. Copies were sent by 
several routes, both direct to my colleague's 
German address, and indirectly through a 
neutral European country to a mutual 
friend, with request for forwarding. In 
[13] 



My German Correspondence 

this manner I hoped that one copy might 
possibly pass the German censor, and that 
through my friend other Germans might 
learn some truths which their government 
carefully conceals from its deluded people. 
If this was a vain hope, the publication of 
the letter has at least served a useful pur- 
pose in bringing to our present allies one 
slight evidence of American sympathy and 
understanding at a time when we were offi- 
cially neutral. Now that we have at last 
redeemed our solemn obligation to human- 
ity by taking our place on the battle front, 
the letter is, I trust, more than ever perti- 
nent for American readers, since it discusses 
the fundamental issues which caused us to 
unsheathe the sword in defense of justice 
and civilization, and seeks to interpret 
America's judgment as to the condition on 
which the world can hope to secure a just 
and durable peace, and the German people 
expect to regain their lost honour. 

Douglas W. Johnson. 



[14] 



The Letter From A Ger- 
man Professor 



II 
The Letter From A Ger- 
man Professor 

July Q, 1915. 

My dear Johnson: 

Although I have received no answer to 
my letter of September 28th, I conclude 
from the newspaper cuttings you have kind- 
ly sent me from time to time, especially 
since the destruction of the Lusitania, that 
you do not find my arguments convincing. 
At this I am not altogether surprised since 
you evidently get your view of the present 
state of affairs from the public press, and 
moreover from the press of a political party 
whose aim is to spread a "world's war" by 
exciting animosity between two countries 
that have hitherto lived in peace and friend- 
ship and whose welfare demands the con- 
tinuance of that friendship. It is mainly 
due to the influence of this unscrupulous and 
frivolous press, which pretends to represent 
[17] 



My German Correspondence 

the public conscience but in reality speaks 
only in the selfish interests of its owners and 
editors, that we have arrived at such a pass 
that the nations no longer understand each 
other. 

The great civilised nations have uecome 
the prey of a psychopathological condition 
which renders the relations between the 
most cultured races almost similar to those 
which obtain between the leaders of the 
various religious bodies, only much worse 
and far less reconciled. They have lost not 
only the power to judge fairly each other's 
character and actions, but also the wish to 
do so. With us Germans this deplorable 
mental disease undoubtedly takes a less viru- 
lent form than with the hostile nations, and 
is already on the way to recovery; whereas 
with the others it appears to have reached 
the phase of paroxysm. This is inexpres- 
sibly sad and depresses me even more than 
the dreadful slaughter of this terrible war, 
for I fear that this condition is incurable 
and will spread. 

Is it not almost inconceivable, to take a 
case in point, that men of high position in 
[18] 



From A German Professor 

the hostile countries — and, as it seems to me, 
not a few in America — men of science, ac- 
customed to accept as fact only what is 
proved by unimpeachable evidence — nay 
even only after the impossibility of nega- 
tion has been proved — are satisfied to de- 
rive their ideas of Germany and the Ger- 
mans from the daily papers and from those 
of a single party at that, without taking the 
trouble to inquire into their reasonableness? 
Any thinking man of cultured mind must, 
one would think, know what a newspaper 
really is: a business concern, founded and 
carried on with the purpose of enriching its 
owners by supporting the interests of a po- 
litical party, of commercial and industrial 
undertakings, and open-handed govern- 
ments of foreign powers. It supports these 
interests quite regardless of their effect, ben- 
eficial or the reverse, upon the real public 
interests of its own country, regardless of 
truth and justice. And how is such a paper 
produced? A journalist writes on all man- 
ner of subjects without knowing or seeking 
to know much about them ; he is often not 
in a position to do so : and without the small- 
[19] 



My German Correspondence 

est scruple on the score of the mischief and 
confusion that will arise out of his thought- 
less utterances. He gives his articles the 
colour that is prescribed by his paper and 
does not trouble himself about the disastrous 
results, the mental poison doled out to the 
people who derive their views and opinions 
from the one paper they read. The daily 
press has thus become one of the direct 
plagues of humanity, an ulcer in the frame 
of society, whose one object it is, for private 
ends (wealth, political influence and social 
position) to pit the races, nations, religions 
and classes against one another. 

For the last fifteen years the French and 
English press, for the last six to eight years 
the Russian and now the Italian and no 
small part of the press of the neutral coun- 
tries — also the American — have laboured 
in the employ or at the instigation of their 
respective governments, with all the imple- 
ments of mendacity and defamation, to 
spread hatred and contempt for Germany 
the wide world over, with the common ob- 
ject of setting all the powers against us and 
[20] 



From A German Professor 

compassing our ruin, thus preparing the 
present war. 

This awful war, unexampled in the his- 
tory of all times, is due in great measure to 
the press, and to that also it owes its pecul- 
iarly pernicious character. And from this 
same press you, my dear Johnson, draw 
your opinion of German conduct and 
"German atrocities' 7 ! Have you never 
thought of the numerous Germans with 
whom you are personally acquainted? Do 
you believe any of them capable of com- 
mitting or countenancing such atrocities? 
Do you consider what advances the Ger- 
man nation has achieved in the fields of 
science and social culture? If so, how 
can you deem it capable of such deeds as 
your American press lays to its charge? War 
is an infamous condition in which all the 
passions are let loose, and amongst a million 
of soldiers there must of course be some bad 
characters who take the opportunity to fol- 
low their evil instincts; but are not horrible 
crimes committed in times of peace daily 
and hourly — yes, even in your own New 
York? 

[21] 



My German Correspondence 

The iron necessities of the conflict now 
and then compel all the opposing troops to 
cruel actions by which harmless non-com- 
batants have to suffer — war is war and a 
scourge of society, but no one has yet dis- 
covered a means of doing away with it. 
Since the day when Cain slew Abel there 
has been war among men, and the same pas- 
sions which ruled mankind thousands of 
years ago rule them in a measure still: love, 
hate, selfishness and greed, envy and ambi- 
tion. So long as this is the case war will noi 
cease to exist. 

But the reports of atrocities said to have 
been committed by the German troops are 
mean lies and calumnies, based upon single 
unavoidable actions. The documents sup- 
posed to prove these accusations are all for- 
geries or perversions of the truth. The Ger- 
man government has published proofs of 
this fact, but your newspapers do not choose 
to publish these but only the calumnies of 
our enemies. Nor have the American pa- 
pers ever published any of the almost incon- 
ceivably inhuman cruelties perpetrated by 
the Russians in our Eastern provinces. In 
[22] 



From A German Professor 

the course of their short invasion they con- 
verted these districts into waste deserts, and 
that without any military necessity what- 
ever. All the towns and villages were de- 
stroyed, peaceable folk, regardless of age 
and sex, were slaughtered and the whole 
country plundered. Why do your American 
newspapers take no notice of all this? They 
want to make the utterly improbable appear 
to be true — namely, that the Russians are 
a civilised people, the Germans barbarians. 
In their campaign of lying and defamation 
the hostile governments have two objects 
in view: to excite the animosity of their own 
people and so keep up the war spirit; and 
to incite the neutral states against us in order 
to add to our difficulties. In America these 
tactics have been only too successful. 

And now, as to the Lusitania!! She was 
scheduled in the Register of the British 
Navy as an "auxiliary cruiser." This is an 
undeniable fact and is alone sufficient, ac- 
cording to international law, to justify our 
action and to refute all the American ap- 
peals against it. The Lusitania was armed. 
The examination by the American authori- 
[23] 



My German Correspondence 

ties was careless, otherwise it must have re- 
vealed the guns concealed behind canvas 
partitions. A large part of the cargo also 
consisted of ammunition for our enemies, 
in quantity enough to kill many thousands 
of German soldiers. Ought we then to have 
allowed these w r ar-stores to be landed in 
England just because a number of Ameri- 
can citizens were so reckless as to travel by 
that vessel in spite of repeated warnings? Is 
the life of a hundred American citizens con- 
sidered to be more valuable than that of 
thousands of German soldiers? The Amer- 
ican passengers were purposely tempted by 
the British Shipping Company to sail on 
board of the Lusitania in order to preserve 
the cargo of military stores from German 
attacks. Why did not the American govern- 
ment prevent this in accordance with its 
own regulations, which forbid the convey- 
ance of passengers in the same ships with 
explosives? Why does the American gov- 
ernment and the public opinion in America 
not make the British Shipping Company re- 
sponsible for the disaster, instead of quali- 
fying the well justified act of German self- 
[24] 



From A German Professor 

defence as barbarous? It is a fact that the 
rapid sinking of the Lusitania was not the 
result of the single torpedo shot, but was 
due to the explosion of ammunition in her 
hold. Over and above, it is an undeniable 
fact that the Lusitania sailed in a previous 
passage under false colours and thus placed 
itself out of international law, that she car- 
ried in previous passages many thousands of 
tons of military ammunition. 

If the American people were allowed 
calmly to review all these facts its excite- 
ment would abate, but the friends of the 
multi-millionaires — Vanderbilt and Pear- 
son — use their influence with the press to 
prevent this. One of the traits of the Amer- 
ican character, which I often had occasion 
to note during my stay in America, is an in- 
ordinate worship of the possessors of great 
wealth, a respect far greater than we show 
toward our greatest nobles. The fact that 
such persons were victims of the German 
attack biases public opinion in America 
and above all in the American press. The 
cuttings you sent me evince nervous excite- 
ment and blind rage, but also a total absence 
[25] 



My German Correspondence 

of real knowledge of the circumstances and 
of calm reflection. 

I acquired during my stay in your coun- 
try a very high opinion of the American 
people, its constitution, its social, municipal 
and scientific institutions ; but one thing was 
an almost daily surprise to me. I mean the 
low intellectual standing of a considerable 
portion of the daily papers and the conse- 
quent prevailing ignorance of European af- 
fairs. This is exemplified even in a speech 
— mentioned in one of the newspaper cut- 
tings you forwarded to me — by the Ex-At- 
torney General George W. Wickersham. 
That high official said: "In the crisis in 
Servia two years before King Peter was as- 
sassinated all the powers recalled their rep- 
resentatives from Servia because they con- 
sidered that Servia should not be treated as a 
civilised nation." This he made the text for 
important political advice, which, if fol- 
lowed by the American government, must 
lead to war between America and Germany. 
Now the assassination in Servia took place 
in 1903. The victims were King Alexander 
and Queen Draga, her two brothers, the 
[26] 



From A German Professor 

prime minister and other members of the 
government. The murderers usurped the 
highest posts in the state and the present 
king, whose name is Peter, and who was in 
collusion with the instigators of the crime, 
ascended the throne. The English govern- 
ment was the only one that withdrew its 
ambassador. This Servian state and people, 
whose history is one uninterrupted chain of 
bloody deeds and at whose instigation the 
heir to the Austro-Hungarian crown and 
his wife were murdered, whence arose the 
conflict between Austria and Servia and 
eventually the great war, this Servian peo- 
ple is now held up — also on the part of 
England — for commiseration as a poor, in- 
nocent victim of our barbarous pugnacity. 
How can a man, so ignorant of recent 
European history, airily presume to direct 
public opinion on a question of such im- 
portance to the welfare of his country? 
What would be said in America of a prom- 
inent German, who should express himself 
upon American affairs, stating as an histor- 
ical fact the assassination of President Taft 
in the year 1856, and speaking of the present 
[27] 



My German Correspondence 

president as Abraham Lincoln? There you 
have one example out of a thousand of the 
way in which the ignorance and unscrupu- 
lous acts of the press mislead public opin- 
ion. Instead of genuine information; care- 
fully weighed and revised, the press makes 
use of catch-words and phrases and these 
are credulously swallowed even by well ed- 
ucated men of high position without any 
attempt to test their true value. 

One of these catch-words is "Militarism!" 
It is said that we Germans intend to impose 
our Militarism on the whole world and to 
dominate all the other European states and 
deprive them of their liberty! Have you 
considered what this dreaded "Militarism" 
really is? For us Germans it is a system 
adopted voluntarily by all classes, high and 
low without exception, for the defence of 
our independence and freedom, which are 
endangered by our geographical position, 
surrounded as we are on all sides by envious 
neighbours. But for this organisation Ger- 
many would even now be laid low, for it 
presents a barrier to the political aims of 
the other great powers. This "Militarism" 
[28} 



From A German Professor 



(so reprehensible in us) has been imitated 
and even surpassed by our enemies! France 
has done so in the hope of revenge for 1870 
and of regaining the thoroughly German 
provinces, Alsace and Lorraine, while it 
professes to fight for racial independence. 

Russian militarism, which is more intense 
and more comprehensive than any other, 
aims at the annihilation of Austria, because 
that Power is a hindrance to the century-old 
Russian scheme to conquer Constantinople 
and incorporate all the Slav states in its own, 
although that is already too gigantic to ad- 
mit of proper government and development. 

England, as her insular position demands, 
has to the utmost developed Marinism. This 
she has done systematically and logically in 
order to maintain her supremacy on the seas 
and her policy of allowing other countries 
only such development as she deems consis- 
tent with her own interests. 

Where in the American press do you read 
of French or Russian "Militarism" or of 
British "Marinism"? It is always the hor- 
ror of "Prussian Militarism." They talk 
of German national economy as antiquated, 
[29] 



My German Correspondence 

of our institutions as servile and never are 
at the pains to look into them. It is so much 
easier to feed upon phrases! 

In reality our Constitution and our insti- 
tutions are freer than almost any others and 
yet they call them reactionary? Our suffrage 
is the most liberal in the world and the 
liberties of the subject only so far controlled 
as is requisite for the welfare of the com- 
munity. There is no other legislature reg- 
ulating the relations of employers and em- 
ployees to compare with ours. Remember, 
too, that with us Parliament and adminis- 
tration are not, as in many other countries, 
in the hands of selfish schemers and specula- 
tors, of coteries and cliques, all trying to 
elbow their way to the manger to fill their 
stomachs and line their nests at the expense 
of the state. 

One word more on the subject of the Lu- 
sitania: Why, if it is cruel, barbarous, inhu- 
man to sink a ship that brings munitions of 
war to our enemies for use against us, is there 
no outcry in America against England's 
scheme to starve out a nation of 70 million 
souls by cutting off the importation of food? 
[30] 



From A German Professor 

Where is your pity in this case? This ac- 
tion on England's part is the sole cause of 
our submarine warfare. Of course it is a 
dreadful expedient, but we have no other 
wherewith to check England's starvation 
plan. Let England open the blockade and 
we shall instantly recall our submarine ves- 
sels. Why does not America intervene? She 
has every right to demand that England 
should not hinder her legitimate commerce, 
the exportation to Germany of foodstuffs 
and other goods that do not serve the pur- 
poses of war. Why does America submit to 
this interference in her commerce at the 
same time that she calls down all manner 
of curses upon us because we defend our- 
selves? Is this behaviour fair? Is it fair, 
is it humane, that America sends weapons, 
even poisoned weapons, to our enemies for 
use against us? For filthy lucre America 
provided guns and projectiles, which wid- 
owed a hundred thousand German wives 
and made hundreds of thousands of German 
orphans. Is not this barbarous? Mean- 
while, we Germans are denounced as inhu- 
man, barbarous because to prevent the land- 
[31] 



My German Correspondence 

ing of munitions in England we had to risk 
the lives of Americans, who needlessly and 
in spite of warning incurred this risk. 

In America you talk of peace and inter- 
vention, — and export the materials for war! 
Were it not for the export of weapons and 
ammunition to our enemies, the war would 
have been over long ago. Were America 
to stop this traffic to-day, then would be 
peace to-morrow. It is in America's option 
to restore peace to the world. That would 
be a noble deed. 

I have been impelled, my dear Johnson, 
by my friendly feeling for you to endeavour 
to disabuse your mind on some of those 
points on which you appear to be deceived 
by the ignorant and too often venal press, 
and I should be heartily glad if I were suc- 
cessful. The time and pains I have spent 
on this letter would then not have been in 
vain. 

If you have any regard for me and believe 
me incapable of a criminal action, please 
remember that far more than one hundred 
thousand men of my intellectual and moral 
standing are serving and fighting among our 
[32] 



From A German Professor 

million soldiers. You will then believe that 
our army is not guilty of the shameful out- 
rages laid to its charge. 

I am, my dear Johnson, 

Yours very truly, 



[33] 



The Reply to the German 
Professor 



Ill 

The Reply to the German 

Professor 



February, 1916. 

My dear : 

Your two letters, with enclosed newspaper 
clippings, and your postal card were duly- 
received. I can assure you that my failure 
to reply more promptly was not meant as 
any discourtesy. The clippings were gladly 
received, for I am always anxious to read 
what prominent Germans regard as able 
and convincing presentations of their side 
of disputed matters. Your own letters, par- 
ticularly the long one of July 9, were read 
most carefully. I appreciate your earnest 
endeavour to convince me of the righteous- 
ness of your country's cause, and am not un- 
mindful of the time and trouble you spent 
in preparing for me so carefully worded a 
presentation of the German point of view 
touching several matters of the profoundest 
importance to our two Governments. 
[37] 



My German Correspondence 

My failure to reply has been due to a 
doubt in my own mind as to whether good 
would be accomplished by any letter which 
I could write. I could not agree with your 
opinions regarding Germany's responsibil- 
ity for the war, nor regarding her methods 
of conducting the war; and it did not seem 
to me that you would profit by any statement 
I might make as to the reasons for my own 
opinions on such vital matters. Your let- 
ters clearly showed that you wrote under 
the influence of an intense emotion — an 
emotion which I can both understand and 
respect, but which might well make it im- 
possible for you to accord a dispassionate 
reception to a reply which controverted 
your own views. With your country sur- 
rounded by powerful foes, with your sons 
deluging alien soil in an heroic defence of 
your Government's decrees, with the nation 
you love most dearly standing in moral iso- 
lation, condemned by the entire neutral 
world for barbarous crimes against civilisa- 
tion, you could hardly be expected to write 
with that scientific accuracy and care which 
would, in normal times, be your ideal. 
[38] 



Reply to th e German Professor 

For this reason I have not resented much 
in your letters which would otherwise call 
for earnest p rotest. I feel sure, for example, 
your assertion that I and my fellow-country- 
men derive our opinions of German conduct 
wholly from corrupt and venal newspapers, 
or usually from a single newspaper which 
doles out mental poison in subservience to a 
single political party, was not intended to be 
as insulting as it really sounded. Your emo- 
tion doubtless led you to make charges 
which your sense of justice and courtesy 
would, under other circumstances, con- 
demn. I believe also that in a calmer time 
you would not entertain the sweeping 
opinion that "the daily press has become 
one of the direct plagues of human- 
ity an ulcer in the frame of society, 
whose one object it is, for private ends 
(wealth, political influence, and social posi- 
tion) , to pit the races, nations, religions, and 
classes against one another." I realise that 
some of our papers are a disgrace to the 
high calling of journalism; I believe that 
some sacrifice honour for gain and that 
some are subservient to special interests; but 
[39] 



My German Correspondence 

the roll of American journalists is honoured 
by the presence of many names which com- 
mand respect at home and abroad because 
of a long-standing reputation for honesty, 
fearlessness, and distinguished service in the 
cause of humanity. To one such name was 
added at our last commencement the degree 
representing one of the highest honours 
which Columbia University has to bestow 
upon a man of lofty ideals and honourable 
achievement. The paper edited by this 
man is among those most extensively read 
by myself and hundreds of thousands of 
other Americans who demand to know the 
truth. However low may be the moral 
plane of some newspapers, your character- 
isation of all newspapers as mere business 
concerns, founded and carried on with the 
purpose of enriching their owners, and sup- 
porting certain special interests, "quite re- 
gardless of their effect, beneficial or the re- 
verse, upon the real public interests of their 
own country, regardless of truth and jus- 
tice," is not at all true of the class of papers 
read by the majority of intelligent Ameri- 
cans. I am not sufficiently familiar with a 
[40] 



Reply to the German Professor 

large number of German newspapers to 
make assertions as to their standards; but, in 
spite of the smaller amount of freedom al- 
lowed to the press in your country, 1 can 
scarcely imagine that conditions are bad 
enough to justify your sweeping condemna- 
tion of all newspapers. 

If you had stopped to consider the radi- 
cally different relations existing between the 
press and the Government in Germany and 
in America, you would scarcely have fallen 
into the error of asserting that a consider- 
able proportion of our papers, in common 
with those of other nations, have "laboured 
in the employ or at the instigation of the 
Government, "with all the implements of 
mendacity and defamation, to spread hatred 
and contempt for Germany." Unlike your 
own, our press is wholly free from Govern- 
ment control. Any attempt on the part of 
our Government to dictate the policy of 
any newspaper would be hotly resented, and 
would be doomed to certain failure Amer- 
icans do not believe in the German doctrine 
that the press must be "so far controlled 
as is requisite for the welfare of the corn- 
el] 



My German Correspondence 

munity," and hold that absolute freedom 
of speech is essential to true liberty. There 
is no censorship of the American press.* 
You have a censorship which all the outside 
world knows has been wonderfully effective 
in keeping some important facts from the 
knowledge of the German people. No 
American paper can be suppressed because 
of what it prints. You are, of course, well 
aware that, on more than one occasion, Ger- 
man papers have been suppressed for cer- 
tain periods because your Government did 
not believe that what they said was for the 
good of the country. I enclose a message 
received by wireless under German control 
which is only one of the many announce- 
ments telling of suppression of your papers. 
It does not alter the situation to say that cen- 
sorship and suppression are necessary for 
the good of the Fatherland, and that the 
papers in question deserved to be sup- 
pressed. The vital fact remains that your 
newspapers are not free to publish anything 
they like. Ours are thus free. Every issue 
of your papers must be submitted to your 
* See note page 97. 

[42] 



Reply to the German Professor 

police, so that your rulers may control what 
you write and read. Not a paper in America 
is submitted to any official whatever. You 
cannot read anything which your Govern- 
ment believes it wise to keep from you. We 
can read everything, whether the Govern- 
ment likes it or not. Americans believe 
there can be no truly free press, and no real 
unfettered public opinion, with the possi- 
bility of punishment hanging over the press 
of a country. Where the police, represent- 
ing the ruling power, controls the press 
there is no true liberty. Whatever else may 
be said against the American press, it must 
be admitted that it is free from Govern- 
ment control. It is not necessary, therefore, 
to inquire whether the American Govern- 
ment has employed or instigated the public 
press to attack Germany, since, even if it 
desired to do so, it would not dare make the 
attempt. 

There are many other statements in your 
letters which can only be explained as the 
result of writing under stress of intense 
emotion; you would probably wish to 
modify many of these were you writing un- 
[43] 



My German Correspondence 

der happier circumstances. It is not my 
desire, however, to dwell upon this phase 
of your correspondence. I do not for a 
moment doubt your sincerity, and believe 
you were yourself convinced of the truth 
of all you wrote. My purpose in writing 
this letter is to accept in good faith your ex- 
pressed wish for a better understanding be- 
tween two peoples who have long been on 
friendly terms with one another, and to 
contribute toward this end by removing, at 
least so far as we two are concerned, one 
serious misunderstanding which now exists. 
As you are well aware, the American peo- 
ple, with the exception of a certain propor- 
tion of German-born population, are prac- 
tically unanimous in condemning Germany 
for bringing on the war and for conducting 
it in a barbarous manner. You, together 
with hosts of your fellow-countrymen, be- 
lieve this unfavourable opinion is the result 
of the truth being kept from the American 
public by improper means. It is, of course, 
a comforting thought to you that when the 
whole truth is known we will revise our 
opinions and realise that Germany acted 
[44] 



Reply to the German Professor 

righteously, and was not guilty of the 
crimes which have been charged against 
her. But, as a scientific man, devoted to 
the search for truth no matter where it 
leads you, you would not want to deceive 
yourself with such a comforting assurance 
if it were founded on false premises. If, 
therefore, you really want to know the con- 
ditions under which American opinion of 
Germany's conduct has been formed, I will 
endeavour to describe them with the same 
calmness and careful attention to accuracy 
which I earnestly endeavour to observe in 
my scientific investigations. In discussing 
this vitally important matter, I will first 
endeavour to picture the American opinion 
of Germany and the Germans before the 
war, since this was the background upon 
which later opinions were formed. I will 
then explain the sources of information 
which were open to Americans after the 
war began; and will next describe how this 
information produced an American opinion 
unfavourable to Germany, as observed by 
one who has read widely and watched the 
trend of his country's thought with keen in- 
[45] 



My German Correspondence 

terest. If this analysis is successful in con- 
vincing you that American opinion does not 
rest on English lies, is not the result of a 
venal press controlled by British gold, but 
has a far more substantial foundation, then 
my letter will not have been written in vain. 
If you are not convinced, but prefer to re- 
tain the comforting belief that if America 
only knew the truth it would applaud Ger- 
many's actions, then I shall, at least, have 
the satisfaction of knowing that I earnestly 
endeavoured, in good faith, to return the 
courtesy which you showed me when you 
wrote so fully, by telling you with equal 
fulness the truth as I see it. 

First, then, let me picture the background 
of public opinion toward Germany and the 
Germans as I saw it before the war began. 
Inasmuch as one's vision may be affected fa- 
vourably or unfavourably by his personal 
experiences, it is only fair that I state briefly 
my own experiences with people of German 
birth or parentage. One of my earliest rec- 
ollections is of a German maid in our house- 
hold who taught me to make my wants 
[46] 



Reply to the German Professor 

known in the German language, and also 
taught me to love her as I did members of 
my own family. In college, one of my two 
favourite professors and one of my college 
chums were of German parentage. Both 
these men are still valued friends, and both 
believe in the righteousness of Germany's 
cause. I have spent parts of three sum- 
mers in Germany, and have many German 
friends, both in America and in Europe. 
The two Europeans in my special field of 
science for whom I have the greatest per- 
sonal affection are German professors in 
Berlin and Leipzig respectively. I have 
more personal friends in the German army 
than in the Allied armies. My sister is 
married to a professor of German descent 
and German sympathies. Surely, therefore, 
if personal relationships prejudice me at 
all, they should prejudice me in favour of 
Germans and things German. 

In my opinion, the American estimate of 
Germany and her citizens prior to the war 
was, in general, most favourable. Certainly 
America looked with admiration upon the 
remarkable advance achieved by Germany 
[47] 



My German Correspondence 

in the short space of forty years. To your 
universities we have always acknowledged 
a great debt. We have profited much by 
your advances in economic lines and ad- 
mired the combination of scientific research 
and business which made your countrymen 
efficient in many lines. The large number 
of your people who have emigrated to 
America have, in the main, made good citi- 
zens, and we have welcomed them as among 
the best of the foreigners who flock to our 
shores. German music and German musi- 
cians find nowhere a more cordial welcome 
than here where admiration for their 
achievements is unstinted. Nor have we 
forgotten the heroic services of the many 
Germans who laid down their lives in de- 
fence of our flag, that the Union might live. 
The Germans' love of honour and family 
has touched the American heart in a ten- 
der spot, and many of my acquaintances 
admit that with no other foreigners do they 
establish such intimate and affectionate re- 
lations as with their German friends. 

This admiration and friendship has not 
blinded us to certain defects in the German 
[48] 



Reply to the German Professor 

character, any more than has your friend- 
ship for Americans closed your eyes to our 
defects. The bad manners of Germans are 
proverbial, not only among Americans, but 
all over the world; so much so that certain 
German writers, admitting that Germans as 
a nation are ill-mannered, have sought to 
find in this fact an explanation for the 
world-wide antagonism toward Germany's 
policy in the war. I do not believe, how- 
ever, that, so far as American sentiment is 
concerned, there is any considerable element 
of truth in this explanation. It is true that 
we do not like the lack of respect accorded 
to women by the average German ; that the 
position of woman in Germany seems to us 
anomalous in a nation claiming a superior 
type of civilisation; that the bumptious atti- 
tude of the German "intellectual" amuses or 
disgusts us; and that the insolence of your 
young officers who elbow us off the side- 
walks in your cities makes us long to meet 
those individuals again outside the boun- 
daries of Germany, where no military 
Government, jealous of their "honour," 
could protect them from the thrashing they 
[49] 



My German Correspondence 

deserve. It is also true that, at international 
congresses, excursions and banquets, at- 
tended by both men and women representa- 
tives of all nations, the Germans have 
gained an unenviable reputation for bad 
manners because they have pushed them- 
selves into the best places, crowded into the 
trains ahead of the women, and generally ig- 
nored the courtesies due to ladies and gen- 
tlemen associated with them. But, in spite 
of our full recognition of this undesirable 
national trait, I doubt whether any great 
number of Americans have permitted a dis- 
like of German manners to affect their opin- 
ion as to German morals in the conduct of 
war, though some do hold that lack of good 
manners is a characteristic mark of inferior 
civilisation. On the whole, we have been 
inclined to be tolerant of German rudeness, 
regarding it as in part due to the rapid ma- 
terial development of a young nation, and 
possibly as, in part, the result of over-ag- 
gressiveness fostered by a military training. 
It is only fair to say, also, that our admira- 
tion of Germany's achievements in art, liter- 
ature, and science never led us so far as to 
[50] 



Reply to the German Professor 

accept the claim of superiority in these lines 
advanced by many Germans on behalf of 
their country. The insistence with which 
this claim has been reiterated and pro- 
claimed abroad by Germans, often with 
more of patriotism than of good taste, may 
have led a part of the public to believe it. 
But the more intelligent and thoughtful 
portion of the people, accustomed to ana- 
lyse such claims by careful comparison with 
the products of non-Teutonic civilisation, 
has been unable to find any adequate basis 
for the assumed superiority. Indeed, while 
intelligent and fair-minded Americans are 
not slow to recognise Germany's great con- 
tributions to the world's art, literature, and 
science, they believe that, with the possible 
exception of music, greater contributions 
have been made in these lines by France, 
England, and other nations. In the realm 
of invention, we fully appreciate the skill 
and resourcefulness manifested by the Ger- 
man people in adapting new discoveries to 
their own needs; but we cannot deny the 
fact that most of the discoveries which have 
played so vital a part in the development of 
[51] 



My German Correspondence 

modern civilisation have been made, not in 
Germany, but in other countries. 

In regard to municipal government and 
various forms of social legislation, we have 
long recognised the high position held by 
your nation. But in the more vital matter 
of the relation of the individual to the su- 
preme governing power, we have always 
held, and still believe, that Germany is 
sadly reactionary. For half a century your 
professors, in the employ of an educational 
system controlled by a bureaucratic Govern- 
ment, have taught what we condemn as a 
false philosophy of government. Your his- 
tories, your books on philosophy, your 
whole literature, glorify the State; and you 
have accepted the dangerous doctrine that 
the individual exists to serve the State, for- 
getting that the State is not the mystical, 
divine thing you picture it, but a govern- 
ment carried on by human beings like your- 
selves, most of them reasonably upright, but 
some incompetent and others deliberately 
bad, just like any other human government. 
We believe that the only excuse for the ex- 
istence of the State is to serve the individual, 
[52] 



Reply to the German Professor 

to create conditions which will insure the 
greatest liberty and highest possible de- 
velopment to the individual citizen. It has 
never seemed to us creditable to the German 
intellect that it could be satisfied with a 
theory of government outgrown by most 
other civilised nations. That you should 
confuse efficiency with freedom has always 
seemed to us a tragic mistake, and never so 
tragic as now, when a small coterie of hu- 
man beings, subject to the same mistakes 
and sins as other human beings, can hurl 
you into a terrible war before you know 
what has happened, clap on a rigid censor-: 
ship to keep out any news they do not want 
you to learn, then publish a white book 
which pretends to explain the causes of the 
war, but omits documents of the most vital 
importance, thereby causing the people of a 
confiding nation to drench the earth with 
their life-blood in the fond illusion that the 
war was forced upon them, and that they 
are fighting for a noble cause. Most pitiful 
is the sad comment of an intelligent German 
woman in a letter recently received in this 
country: "We, of course, only see such 
[53] 



My German Correspondence 

things as the Government thinks best. We 
were told that this war was purely a de- 
fensive one, forced upon us. I begin to be- 
lieve this may not be true, but hope for a 
favourable ending." 

Certainly in what you wrote to me you 
were thoroughly sincere and honest; yet 
your letter was full of untrue statements 
because you were dependent for your in- 
formation upon a Government-controlled 
press which has misled you for military and 
political reasons. How can a nation know 
the truth, think clearly, and act righteously 
when a few men, called the "State," can 
commit you to the most serious enterprise 
in your history without your previous 
knowledge or consent, and can then keep 
you in ignorance of vitally important docu- 
ments and activities in order to insure your 
full support of their perilous undertaking? 
Such is the thought which has always led 
America to denounce as false the old theory 
of "divine right of kings," long imposed 
upon the German people in the more subtle 
and, therefore, more dangerous form of 
"the divine right of the State." Our con- 
[54] 



Reply to the German Professor 

viction that such a government as yours is 
reactionary and incompatible with true lib- 
erty, and that it stunts and warps the intel- 
lects of its citizens, has been amply con- 
firmed by extended observation in your 
country, and more particularly by the un- 
answerable fact that millions of your best 
blood, including distinguished men of in- 
telligence and wealth, have forsaken Ger- 
many to seek true liberty of intellect and 
action in America, renouncing allegiance to 
the Fatherland to become citizens here. 
Some of them still love the scenes of their 
childhood, but few of them would be will- 
ing to return to a life under such a Govern- 
ment as Germany possesses. 

To summarise what I said above: Ameri- 
cans, prior to the war, admired the remark- 
able advances made by Germany in recent 
years in economic and commercial lines; 
held in high regard your universities and 
many of your university professors; loved 
your music, and felt most cordial toward 
the millions of Germans who came to live 
among us and share the benefits of our free 
institutions. The prevalence of bad man- 
[55] 



My German Correspondence 

ners among Germans we regretted, but 
made allowance for this defect; and we did 
not fail to recognise that some Germans are 
fine gentlemen of the most perfect culture, 
while most of them have traits of character 
which we admired. 

We recognised the immense value of 
Germany's contributions to art, literature, 
and science, but did not consider Germany's 
contributions in these lines as equal to those 
of other nations. We never have regarded 
German culture as superior, but rather as 
inferior, to that of certain other countries; 
and the Germans' loud claims to superiority 
have seemed to us egotistical and the result 
of a weak point in the German character. 
For your form of government and the phi- 
losophy of history taught by your university 
professors we could never have much ad- 
miration or respect. Both seemed to us 
unworthy of an intelligent, civilised people, 
and sure to lead to disaster. Your military 
preparations, evident to every observant 
visitor, have long caused us to distrust your 
Government and to consider your country 
a menace to the world's peace. In a word, 
[56] 



Reply to the German Professor 

we admired and loved your people, al- 
though we considered them neither perfect 
nor even superior to other people; but we 
disapproved and distrusted your reactionary 
military Government. 

Such was our attitude when the war burst 
upon the world. Since that time what op- 
portunities have the American people had 
to form an intelligent opinion as to who 
was wrong and who was right? What 
sources of information have been open to 
us, what means of getting at the facts? 
Have we been drowned in English lies, as 
several of your professors have written me 
is the case? Have we relied on one corrupt 
party! newspaper, as you intimate is our 
habit? Have we been dependent on a press 
bought up with English gold, as is continu- 
ally asserted by the German press? 

In the first place, we have relied in part 
upon our previous knowledge of the Ger- 
man Government and the German people. 
The hundreds of Americans who have stud- 
ied in your universities, the thousands who 
have visited your country, and the millions 
[57] 



My German Correspondence 

who have come into close contact with Ger- 
mans in this country, all have a pretty good 
idea of the German type of mind, German 
standards of national morality, German vir- 
tues and defects. Americans have, of 
course, used this information in reaching 
a conclusion as to the truth or falsehood of 
charges against Germany. I talked with 
some of our American professors just as 
they landed on the pier in New York fresh 
from a summer in Germany which was cut 
short by the outbreak of the war. They 
came direct from your country and were as 
fully informed of the German points of 
view right up to the declaration of war as 
were any of your citizens. Many Ameri- 
cans who have spent months and even years 
on German soil, and who know the country 
and the people intimately, have made us 
well acquainted with German standards 
and German methods of thinking. 

It is true that since the war began much 
of our news has come through cables con- 
trolled by the Allies; but Americans have 
too much common sense to accept such re- 
ports as final. News from biassed sources 
[58] 



Reply to the German Professor 

is always accepted with reservation, and not 
fully believed unless confirmed from inde- 
pendent sources. Furthermore, Americans 
have never lacked for first-hand information 
from Germany. Direct wireless reports 
from your country to several stations in 
America have given us a valuable check on 
cable reports. German papers come to us 
regularly, and are continually and exten- 
sively quoted. Germany has sent special 
agents to this country to represent her side 
of every issue. The speeches and writings 
of these agents have been published repeat- 
edly and at length in almost every paper in 
our country from the Atlantic to the Pa- 
cific. American correspondents in Ger- 
many and in the war-zone have told as much 
as your censors would permit concerning 
what they saw of Germany and Germany's 
army. Many Americans have returned 
from Germany during the war, and have 
published their experiences and impres- 
sions. Some of them have seen your army 
at work, suffered from its inhumanity, and 
been subjected to outrages and indignities 
by the civil officials of your Government. 
[59] ' 



My German Correspondence 

Others were dined and honoured as notable 
guests and given unusual opportunities for 
seeing as much as your officials wanted them 
to see. Both have offered valuable first- 
hand testimony as to the behaviour of the 
German nation at war. Your university 
professors and other prominent citizens of 
your country have written us circular and 
private letters without number, presenting 
Germany's arguments in every conceivable 
form. Your Ambassador and other officials 
of your Government have been most active 
in keeping first-hand information before 
the American public. Thousands of your 
reservists, unable to cross the sea in safety, 
remain in this country to talk and write in 
behalf of their Fatherland. 

In addition to all this, Germany's cause 
has been most vigorously championed by 
many Germans and German-Americans 
long resident in America. Munsterberg 
and others have published numerous arti- 
cles and books in Germany's favour. Every 
possible plea to justify Germany's position 
has been enthusiastically spread abroad by 
the German-American press, and with that 
[60] 



Reply to the German Professor 

love of "fair play" which is a widely-rec- 
ognised characteristic of Americans, even 
those papers which believe Germany re- 
sponsible for the war and its worst horrors, 
have printed volumes of material from pro- 
German authors in order that the whole 
truth might be known by a full and free 
discussion of both sides of every question. 
I have read many pro-German articles in 
the New York Times, the New York Sun, 
the Outlook, and other papers and maga- 
zines opposed to German policy — articles 
by Munsterberg, Kuno Franke, Von Bern- 
storff, Dernburg, and other staunch de- 
fenders of Germany. The columns of our 
papers are freely open to every authoritative 
champion of the German cause, no matter 
what the editorial policy of the papers may 
be. Never was fuller and freer oppor- 
tunity for defence accorded to anyone than 
has been given to the friends of Germany 
to present in print to the American public 
every possible justification for Germany's 
acts. Only the grossest ignorance of the 
actual facts could ever lead anyone to make 
the charge in good faith that the truth about 
[61] 



My German Correspondence 

Germany has been concealed from Ameri- 
cans. Your letter did not contain a single 
statement or argument that has not been 
printed over and over again in papers from 
one end of America to the other by various 
defenders of the German cause. Germany's 
official documents issued in defence of her 
position at the beginning of the war, her 
charges of atrocities against her enemies 
and her supposed proofs of the falsity of 
atrocity charges against the Germans, have 
all been published fully and widely, al- 
though you seem not to be aware of this 
fact. 

Still further, in addition to the legitimate 
publicity in favour of Germany related 
above, there has been forced upon the 
American public the most stupendous 
propaganda which the world has ever wit- 
nessed. Millions of dollars have been spent 
by German agents in a colossal endeavour 
to shape public opinion. America has been 
literally deluged with leaflets, pamphlets, 
books, articles, and advertisements, subsi- 
dised by these propagandists. Money has 
been lavishly spent in every form of appeal 
[62] 



Reply to the German Professor 

which might be expected to turn American 
sentiment against the Allies and in favour 
of the Teutons. Contributions have been 
widely solicited to finance this propaganda, 
and one of my colleagues in Columbia is 
among those bearing German names who, 
in published letters, have refused to sup- 
port this moneyed campaign engineered by 
German agents. Strikes have been organ- 
ised in our factories, newspapers have been 
subsidised, labour orators have been em- 
ployed to incite trouble, all with gold sup- 
plied from Teutonic sources. Ambassador 
Dumba was forced to leave this country be- 
cause of the capture of secret letters reveal- 
ing plots to organise strikes in our munitions 
factories, to buy up orators to incite work- 
men to discontent, and to pay newspapers 
for advancing the German propaganda. 
For all of this the Austrian Government 
was to supply the necessary funds. German 
spies now in our prisons have admitted that 
they were sent here by high German officials 
and provided with ample supplies of money 
to engage in secret plots against our neu- 
trality with the object of stopping muni- 
[63] 



My German Correspondence 

tion shipments. German officials in this 
country have admitted handling millions 
of dollars in illegal operations carried on in 
defiance of our laws and in insolent disre- 
gard of international diplomatic courtesy. 
Our courts have convicted and sentenced to 
1 8 months' penal servitude three high Ger- 
man officials of the Hamburg-American 
Steamship Line for a conspiracy to help 
German warships in defiance of our laws. 
These officials admitted spending nearly 
two million dollars of German gold in this 
illegal work. Our detectives estimate that 
German authorities have spent twenty-seven 
million dollars in America alone to influ- 
ence us against the Allies, to stir up trouble 
against us in labour circles, and to foment 
a revolution in Mexico to our embarrass- 
ment. Our Government asked that the 
German Military and Naval Attaches be 
removed from this country because of their 
insolent violations of our neutrality, by ac- 
tivities in connection with which they han- 
dled immense sums of German gold for the 
propaganda to influence us against England 
and in favour of Germany. 
[64] ' 



Reply to the German Professor 

For every pamphlet, paper, or article sent 
to me by English, French, Russian, and 
Italian organisations I get several dozen 
from German organisations. I get but a 
few circulars a month from Allied coun- 
tries. Not a week passes that I do not re- 
ceive many from German sources.* Amer- 
ica has been flooded with German propa- 
gandist literature; very little ever comes 
from other countries. Full-page advertise- 
ments, paid by German agents, have ap- 
peared repeatedly in American papers, 
urging the merits of Germany's cause. I 
have never seen one on behalf of the Allies. 
All over New York City, before I left for 
my summer vacation, were giant posters on 
the billboards, put there by a pro-German 
society, urging the people to ask President 
Wilson to stop the exportation of arms to 
Germany's enemies. I have never seen one 
poster of any kind put up by friends of the 
Allies. Indeed, America has been so del- 
uged with German propaganda and Ger- 

* When this was written German mail was still com- 
ing freely through neutral countries, and the British 
publicity campaign had scarcely begun. 
[65] 



My German Correspondence 

man-paid advertisements, and requests for 
money to carry on the propaganda in favour 
of Germany, that the whole nation has be- 
come heartily sick of it, and has urged the 
Government to expel from the country 
some of your agents who have been particu- 
larly offensive in carrying on such a propa- 
ganda among our citizens. German gold, 
not English gold, has been lavishly used to 
influence American opinion. Our Govern- 
ment has had to employ a special detective 
force to discover and destroy the many plots 
in which German and Austrian gold has 
been lavishly used to influence opinion and 
action in America; and from other neutral 
countries comes abundant evidence that the 
same stupendous propaganda, to turn opin- 
ion and action in favour of Germany, has 
been carried on everywhere, with an au- 
dacity and utter disregard of cost which has 
astonished the world. In the face of such 
facts as these the German outcry against 
"English gold" has seemed wholly insin- 
cere, and little less than ridiculous.* 

* Recent revelations by the State Department amply 
confirm the prodigal use of German gold to influence 
[66] 



Reply to the German Professor 

Finally, American opinion has been 
based more than all else on Germany's offi- 
cial communications, directly addressed to 
our Government, on certain acts which Ger- 
many has admitted, and on the nature of the 
defence and excuses offered by the German 
Government in palliation of those acts. 
You must not forget that the many lengthy 
notes addressed by your Government to 
Americans have been published in full in 
American papers. The outcry against Eng- 
lish gold, against cable dispatches altered 
by the English, and against corrupt news- 
paper publishers cannot be raised in con- 
nection with diplomatic correspondence 
transmitted direct to your Ambassador here. 
This authentic, official correspondence has 
given us an excellent measure of the stand- 
American and foreign opinion. The exposure of Am- 
bassador von BernstorfFs secret cable requesting 
authority to use $50,000 "to influence Congress" and 
of his handling the $1,700,000 fund to debauch the 
French press, are but two of a number of revelations 
proving the depths of infamy to which the highest offi- 
cials of the German Government descended, at the 
very moment they were protesting their innocence and 
crying out against the "iniquity" of British gold. 
[67] 



My German Correspondence 

ards of morality and humanity which actu- 
ate the present German Government. Our 
opinion of Germany has been profoundly 
influenced by these official documents. 

Germany has committed certain acts 
which are freely admitted by your Govern- 
ment. A nation, like a man, is judged by 
its deeds. After all excuses and explana- 
tions are made, the deeds remain. Ameri- 
cans have read the excuses and the explana- 
tions fully and repeatedly; and with these 
excuses and explanations in mind have 
formed an opinion of the power responsible 
for the deeds. No English gold, no ma- 
nipulated cable dispatches can have had 
anything to do with that opinion. The 
deeds themselves have been the supreme 
force in shaping American opinion of Ger- 
many. Germany has defended the many 
acts which have brought down upon her the 
contempt and opprobrium of the entire 
civilised world. As you well know, one of 
the best tests of a man's morals is the kind 
of a defence he offers for his acts. Ameri- 
cans have read most carefully the many de- 
fences offered by your Chancellor, your 
[68] 



Reply to the German Professor 

Minister of Foreign Affairs, your Under- 
Secretary of Foreign Affairs, your official 
spokesmen sent to this country, and your 
Ambassador here; and in the notes sent offi- 
cially and directly to our Government by 
your Government. We have formed an 
opinion of the moral standards of the 
Government which makes and approves of 
such defences. 

I believe you must, in sincerity and frank- 
ness, admit that the American public has 
had many sources of information open to it 
in forming its opinions about Germany. In- 
deed, with a free press, a large German 
population absolutely free from censorship 
or restrictions of any kind, and a Govern- 
ment which does not need to suppress facts 
for military or political reasons, we are in 
a far better position to learn the whole truth 
about Germany than are the German peo- 
ple themselves. 

Having outlined some of the many 
sources of information upon which Ameri- 
cans have relied in forming their opinions 
of Germany and her actions in this war, I 
[69] 



My German Correspondence 

now will state what the American opinion 
is in regard to some of the vital issues which 
have been raised. In doing this, I will not 
endeavour to explain that opinion, to criti- 
cise it, nor to defend it. Neither will I give 
you my personal opinion on the several 
points, for my own personal opinion is of 
slight consequence when we are discussing 
the attitude of an entire nation. If you de- 
sire, I will be glad to tell you, on some other 
occasion, just how far my own opinions co- 
incide with the collective opinion of the 
country at large, and just where I differ 
from that opinion. My object at present is 
simply to interpret American opinion to you 
as it exists to-day. When I say "American 
opinion," I mean, of course, the opinion of 
the vast majority of our people. A signifi- 
cant proportion of the German-born popu- 
lation and a very small proportion of native 
Americans (usually those married to Ger- 
mans or otherwise connected with Ger- 
many) disagree with the opinions cited. 
But over 90 per cent, of our population may 
safely be said to hold the views described as 
"American" below. 

[70] 



Reply to the German Professor 

In the first place, Americans, in general, 
make a distinction between the German 
Government and the German people. They 
realise that certain features of the Prussian- 
ised Government have never appealed 
favourably to the Bavarians, the Saxons, 
and other elements of the German popula- 
tion. I do not mean by this that Americans 
believe any part of Germany is disloyal to 
the Government. . On the contrary, they be- 
lieve the German people as a whole are 
supporting the Government and its acts with 
devotion, and that, therefore, the German 
people as a whole are responsible for what- 
ever acts the Government commits. But 
Americans recognise the reality of Prussian 
leadership in the policy of your country. 
They do not believe the German people 
wanted the war; but they do believe the 
military Government, under Prussian con- 
trol, wanted the war, planned for it with 
infinite skill and efficiency for many years, 
and brought it about when they believed 
the time was ripe. 

Americans have no doubt whatever that 
the insolent ultimatum to Servia was deliv- 
[71] 



My German Correspondence 

ered for the purpose of provoking war, and 
that Austria would never have dared send 
it were it not for the fact that the German 
Government "assured her a free hand" in 
advance, as has been officially admitted by 
your Government. The fact that Austria 
refused to make public the full evidence on 
which she based her accusations against the 
Servian Government, added to the fact that 
she made these accusations after a secret in- 
vestigation in which the defendant had no 
representation, has shocked not only Amer- 
ica but the entire world; and has convinced 
the world, as a whole, that Austria and Ger- 
many were more guilty of wrongdoing than 
was Servia. 

Americans have studied carefully the offi- 
cial documents issued by the different Gov- 
ernments concerning the origin of the war, 
and have had the advantage of seeing all the 
papers which each has published. The offi- 
cial papers issued by England, Germany,! 
France, Austria, and the other Govern- 
ments have been printed in full in pamphlet 
form, and have been eagerly studied by the 
whole nation. Edition after edition has 
[72] 



Reply to the German Professor 

been exhausted by a people eagerly seeking 
to learn the truth. In Germany there has 
been no such eagerness to learn the truth by 
careful, critical study of the official sources 
of information, and leading Germans have 
regretfully admitted that too many of the 
German people were content to accept their 
Government's statements as the truth, with- 
out attempting to use their own intelligence 
in the matter. In the opinion of Americans 
the official documents, and especially the 
admissions made by your Government in 
its attempted defence, prove that the Ger- 
man Government forced the war in order 
to satisfy the ambitions of the military party 
which has long been in control. When you 
have a chance to read certain documents 
which your Government does not let you 
read now, you can form an impartial judg- 
ment as to whether or not Americans and 
the other neutral peoples have been unjust 
in deciding that Germany is responsible for 
the war. Until that time you will, of course, 
feel that the judgment of the world does 
your country a terrible wrong. The Gov- 
ernment which caused the war is not going 
[73] 



My German Correspondence 

to let its people read things which would 
shake their confidence, and cause them to 
weaken in their support of the war. 

If Germany really exercised a moderat- 
ing influence at Vienna, and strove to avert 
the war, the State papers exchanged be- 
tween Berlin and Vienna would clearly 
prove this, if published. Germany has 
every reason to publish those papers and 
prove her sincerity, if she tried to prevent 
the war. On the other hand, both Germany 
and Austria have every reason to keep those 
papers secret if they were jointly planning 
the war. They have kept the papers secret. 
Not one word of the vital correspondence 
between the two Teutonic capitals has ever 
been made public. Even your own people 
are entirely ignorant as to what exchanges 
really took place in the critical days pre- 
ceding the declarations of war. You only 
know, and the world only knows, that Ger- 
many made the vague general assertion that 
she was "exercising a moderating influence 
at Vienna." You can hardly expect the 
world to believe such a vague generality 
when the documents which would prove its 
[74] 



Reply to the German Professor 

truth or falsity are carefully suppressed. 
Why are they suppressed? Americans, in 
common with the rest of the world, are con- 
vinced that your Government does not dare 
publish them because it would prove the 
guilt of Germany more conclusively than 
do the admissions contained in papers al- 
ready made public. 

It is the practically universal opinion, not 
only in America, but in other neutral coun- 
tries as well, that the repeated excuses and 
shifty evasions by which Berlin rejected 
every plan for mediation, arbitration, or 
any other programme which would tend to- 
ward a peaceful solution of the crisis, com- 
bined with Berlin's acknowledgment that 
"a free hand was assured" to Austria, and 
the further fact that all correspondence be- 
tween Berlin and Vienna is carefully sup- 
pressed, are amply sufficient to convince any 
fair-minded, unprejudiced man that the 
Berlin Government is primarily responsible 
for the war. The fact that Germany has 
for years published a voluminous war liter- 
ature, has taught her people to think and 
live in terms of war, and was fully prepared 
[75] 



My German Correspondence 

with enormous reserves of materials when 
war came; whereas the Allied countries 
were notoriously unprepared and in no con- 
dition to ward off the first blows of a sur- 
prise attack, to say nothing of fighting an 
offensive campaign, is generally considered 
enough to create a strong presumption that 
Germany and not the Allies wanted war. 
The official correspondence of the ante-bel- 
lum days is full of suggestions for arbitra- 
tion, mediation, and other plans to preserve 
the peace, coming from the Allied coun- 
tries. Americans have searched in vain for 
a single plan for a peaceful solution coming 
from Germany. On the contrary, your own 
version of the negotiations shows only a per- 
sistent rejection by Berlin of every peace 
plan, and a dogged determination to sup- 
port Vienna in her assault on Servia — an 
assault which, following the robbery of Bos- 
nia and Herzegovina by Austria under Ger- 
many's protection, could not be endured by 
a civilised world, and was, therefore, cer- 
tain to cause war. 

When Servia, urged by the Allies to yield 
as much as possible in order to prevent war, 
[76] 



Reply to the German Professor 

acceded to eight out of ten of Austria's hu- 
miliating demands and agreed to arbitrate 
the two involving her national sovereignty, 
the world saw that the Allied countries did 
not want war, and were willing to suffer 
great humiliation for the sake of preventing 
it. Americans do not consider that any fair- 
minded man possessed of ordinary common- 
sense can honestly believe that nations seek- 
ing to provoke war with Germany would 
have urged their protege to make a humili- 
ating surrender to insolent and unjust de- 
mands. If there were any truth in the as- 
sertion that the Allies were trying to force 
war on Germany, they would have advised 
Servia to resist, not to yield. When Austria, 
backed by Germany, declared war on Ser- 
via, despite Servia's abject and complete 
surrender on eight points and willingness to 
arbitrate the other two, there no longer ex- 
isted outside of Germany and Austria the 
slightest doubt that Germany was forcing 
the war to achieve the aggrandisement 
which has been taught for years in your 
country as the natural destiny of Germany. 
Germany's guilt in forcing the war is 
[77] 



My German Correspondence 

recognised not only by Americans and other 
neutral peoples, but by hundreds of thou- 
sands of Germans who live in neutral coun- 
tries and thus have a chance to learn more 
of the truth than is possible in the belliger- 
ent countries. Germans who were in Ger- 
many when the war broke out, but who have 
since come to America, have told me per- 
sonally that, after learning the whole truth, 
they can no longer doubt Germany's respon- 
sibility for the catastrophe. Germans who 
have left here to go back and fight for the 
Fatherland admitted to me in private con- 
versation that they knew Germany forced 
the war, and that the Kaiser and the Prus- 
sian military party were alone to blame. I 
know Germans who are liberally support- 
ing the Allied cause because they believe 
the defeat of Prussianism is essential to a 
civilised Germany. Even your rigid cen- 
sorship has not prevented our receipt of oc- 
casional letters from Germans, in which 
they admit the uncertainty of Germany's 
claim that the Allies forced the war. A 
considerable element of independent think- 
ers in Germany have had the wisdom to 
[781 



Reply to the German Professor 

realise the perfectly obvious truth that no 
Government is willing to admit responsi- 
bility for the war, and that therefore your 
Government's assertion that it did not start 
the present conflagration can carry no 
weight until the whole truth is revealed to 
the German people, and they are thus given 
the opportunity to form an intelligent judg- 
ment, like men, instead of being forced to 
believe mere assertions and partial evidence, 
like children. To-day you believe in the 
innocence of the Prussian military power; 
but few people in the rest of the world 
doubt its guilt. To-morrow, when the war 
is over, and you can get an outside view of 
the whole question, you will have the chance 
to form an intelligent judgment as to what 
nation History will forever record as the 
one guilty of this fearful crime against hu- 
manity. 

The violation of Belgian neutrality 
shocked Americans as it did the rest of the 
civilised world, and turned the tide of senti- 
ment against Germany more strongly than 
ever. Americans are practically unani- 
mous in regarding the belated excuses of 
[79] 



My German Correspondence 

your Government, to the effect that Belgian 
neutrality was already violated by the Al- 
lies, as mere clumsy subterfuges, trumped up 
to stem the terrible tide of universal con- 
demnation heaped upon Germany for this 
crime against an innocent people. Nothing 
that any German can ever say or write will 
efface from the memory of the world the 
uncontrovertible fact that your Chancellor 
officially admitted your country's guilt in 
this matter. "The wrong — I speak openly, 
gentlemen — the wrong we have done Bel- 
gium will be righted when our military ends 
are accomplished." In these words your 
Chancellor blundered out a truth which has 
for ever silenced all your apologists for the 
crime.* American opinion considers it dis- 
creditable and futile to invent charges 
against French soldiers on Belgian soil and 
French aviators flying over Belgian terri- 
tory; and to try to make out a case in de- 

* To the Chancellor's confession must now be added 
that of the Kaiser, who in a cable to President Wilson, 
recently made public by Ex-Ambassador Gerard, ad- 
mitted that Belgium was invaded "for strategic rea- 



[80] 



Reply to the German Professor 

fence of Germany on the basis of docu- 
ments discovered in Belgium — when your 
Chancellor has officially admitted Ger- 
many's guilt. Americans have no doubt 
that on the basis of the well-known facts of 
the case, supplemented by your Chancel- 
lor's admission of guilt, History will for- 
ever record Germany's brutal disregard of 
her treaty obligations and her murderous 
assault on a small, innocent nation as one of 
the most terrible crimes ever committed by 
a nation claiming to rank high among civi- 
lised peoples. 

The plea that "military necessity" justi- 
fied the destruction of an innocent people, 
that the invasion of Belgium was necessary 
as a measure of "self-defence," Americans 
consider as striking proof of the essential 
barbarity of the German Government. A 
man who would shoot down an innocent girl 
in order to get at another man would be 
condemned as the worst kind of a brute. 
A Government which slaughters an inno- 
cent and peaceful people in order to get at 
an enemy Government is universally re- 
garded by Americans as the worst type of a 
[81] 



My German Correspondence 

barbarous Government. No truly civilised 
Government could be so brutally selfish as 
to protect itself by inflicting the horrors of 
fearful war upon a helpless and unoffending 
people. 

You dismiss the question of atrocities by 
asking if Americans can believe that such 
Germans as I know would commit such aw- 
ful deeds. The reply to this is that, while 
Americans realise that there are many Ger- 
mans who would rather die than do a cruel 
act, Germany possesses a military Govern- 
ment which has convinced Americans and 
the rest of the world that, under the plea 
of "military necessity," it will commit the 
most barbarous crimes. History demon- 
strates that a military Government stifles the 
finer instincts of the people which support 
it. Many Germans struggled to overthrow 
the military clique in Germany, and some 
of them are among the most gentle-hearted, 
kindly souls it has ever been my good for- 
tune to meet. Others have exalted the mili- 
tary and the idea of war; and while board- 
ing in the home of a German army officer I 
witnessed heartless and cruel acts which I 
[82] 



Reply to the German Professor 

do not believe could have occurred in any 
other civilised country among people of the 
same education and intelligence. Unfortu- 
nately, Americans see no opportunity to 
doubt the barbarous behaviour of the Ger- 
man army; and in the debate over the Za- 
bern affair some of your best citizens re- 
belled against military brutality — but the 
punishment meted out to the military of- 
fenders was nullified by your military Gov- 
ernment. In the present war that same 
Government has admitted and justified un- 
speakable atrocities under the plea of 
"military necessity." * Americans do not 
believe every lie wafted on the wings of 
gossip ; but when your book of instructions 
to army officers expressly breaks down every 

* The proofs of atrocities here mentioned may now 
be supplemented by the frankly brutal advice of the 
German minister to Argentina, transmitted to his gov- 
ernment through the connivance of Swedish officials, 
that the ships of a friendly neutral power should be 
"spurlos versenkt." This explains the well authenti- 
cated reports that German submarines have fired on 
life-boats containing non-combatant men and women, 
in the attempt to destroy all witnesses to the crime of 
torpedoing neutral ships without warning. 
[83] 



My German Correspondence 

safeguard for civilised warfare by justify- 
ing "exceptions" to the rules governing such 
warfare, Americans cannot fail to conclude 
that your Government is more barbarous 
than that of any other country claiming to 
be civilised; for other countries do not now 
recognise the right of armies to make such 
exceptions. Your Government, in trying to 
defend itself against the storm of world- 
criticism, has admitted and justified the 
slaughter of innocent hostages as a "mili- 
tary necessity." No other civilised country 
does this; and Americans consider the Ger- 
man Government both brutal and barbar- 
ous for permitting this utterly inhuman 
practice. American soldiers in Vera Cruz 
were killed by franctireurs; but our Gov- 
ernment would hang any American officer 
who permitted the murder of innocent hos- 
tages on that account. Your Government 
justifies and excuses such measures; there- 
fore Americans have been forced to con- 
clude that your Government is less civilised 
than are the Governments of America, Eng- 
land, and France, which forbid such con- 
duct. 

[84] 



Reply to the Ger man Professor 

Your Government executed a woman of 
noble character, and defends its act as per- 
fectly legal and a "military necessity." 
Americans are quite willing to admit that 
Miss Cavell may have been guilty of the 
charges brought against her. Yet the entire 
world stood horrified when the Govern- 
ment of Germany, with due legal form, 
committed a crime against womanhood and 
against humanity, which for centuries will 
make Germans blush for shame when the 
name of Miss Cavell is mentioned. Eng- 
lishmen blush at the memory of Jeffreys 
but no Englishman ever defends that fiend- 
ish butcher of women. Americans blush at 
the memory of Mrs. Surratt; but few Amer- 
icans will defend her execution. The fact 
that Germans have risen to defend the Ca- 
vell atrocity leads many Americans to con- 
clude that the brutalising influence of mili- 
tarism has made the mass of the German 
people less humane than are the peoples of 
other countries, since they defend what 
other peoples condemn. 

Your Government has bombarded un- 
fortified seacoast towns which Americans 
[85] 



My German Correspondence 

know from personal observation, both be- 
fore the war and during the bombardment, 
were not defended in any way. Mothers 
and babies were blown to shreds, but no 
military damage was done in most cases. 
Dozens of helpless old men, women and 
children were killed for every soldier slain. 
The same is true of your Zeppelin raids. 
Americans believe these acts are committed 
for the purpose of stirring up enthusiasm 
among the German populace. They believe 
such acts are in defiance of the rules of civi- 
lised warfare, that they are utterly inhuman 
and barbarous, and that a nation which ap- 
proves and applauds such senseless slaugh- 
ter is less civilised than other modern na- 
tions. The British Government has stead- 
fastly refused to accede to the clamour of a 
few of its citizens who urge a policy of 
wholesale reprisals against German open 
towns. Americans honour this respect for 
the rules of civilised warfare and regret 
that even occasionally France has yielded 
to the provocation for reprisal raids against 
such a place as Freiburg. The fact that 
Germany began the slaughter of babies and 
[86] 



Reply to the German Professor 

women in defiance of the rules of war, and 
has kept it up in frequent raids by warships, 
Zeppelins, and aeroplanes, whereas the Al- 
lies have very seldom attacked open towns, 
and then only as occasional reprisals follow- 
ing peculiarly barbarous German attacks, 
has won for Germany the condemnation, 
and for the Allies the commendation of the 
civilised world. 

The Lusitania atrocity removed from the 
minds of the American people the last pos- 
sible doubt as to the essential barbarity of 
the German Government. No other Gov- 
ernment pretending to be civilised has ever 
shocked the entire world by such a sicken- 
ing crime against humanity. It is utterly 
inconceivable that the American nation 
could descend so low in the scale of hu- 
manity as to order the deliberate destruc- 
tion of an English ship bearing hundreds 
of innocent German women and children 
across the seas. But if such a thing were 
conceivable, you could not find in the Amer- 
ican navy an officer who would obey the in- 
human order. Nor do Americans believe 
that the English or French Governments 
[87] 



My German Correspondence 

could ever disgrace their countries' honour 
by such a barbarous act. I am shocked and 
surprised that a man of your position and 
intelligence can find it in his heart to de- 
fend an act which has for ever stained the 
fair name and honour of your country. 

I read with amazement your assertions 
that the Lusitania was armed, that she car- 
ried ammunition in defiance of American 
laws, and that our official inspection of her 
was careless. Your own Government has 
itself abandoned the false charge that the 
Lusitania carried guns, and no longer makes 
such a ridiculous claim; while the German 
reservist who pretended to have seen the gun 
has admitted that he lied and is now serving 
a term in prison for perjury. You are not 
familiar with American shipping-laws 
which expressly permit the carrying of cer- 
tain types of ammunition on passenger ves- 
sels, and you are, of course, quite ignorant 
as to what inspection of the vessel was made 
in New York, for you were in Germany at 
the time. Your assertions were made 
wholly on the basis of the false statements 
furnished you in Government-controlled 
[88] 



Reply to the German Professor 

papers. You had no means of determining 
the truth or falsity of the statements, on the 
basis of reliable and impartial evidence; 
yet you did not hesitate to make assertions 
which your own Government now practi- 
cally admits were not well founded. The 
fact that the learned men of Germany have 
throughout the war violently supported the 
German position by reckless charges and 
wild assertions, paying no regard to the ne- 
cessity of basing such charges and assertions 
on impartial evidence, instead of accepting 
with childlike simplicity the unsupported 
statements of the German Government, has 
destroyed the confidence of Americans in 
the ability of the German educated men to 
think and reason fairly and honestly about 
the war. 

The manifestos of the German professors, 
issued to Americans, did much to alienate 
American sympathy from Germany; for the 
bitterness and unreasoning fury of the docu- 
ments, combined with the entire absence of 
evidence to support the many reckless state- 
ments made in them, did much to convince 
Americans that the German position was 
[89] 



My German Correspondence 

not capable of honest, logical, dispassionate, 
manly defence. There has never at any 
time been any such outbreak of fury and bit- 
terness among the English or French peo- 
ple. While there are individual exceptions, 
taken as a whole the press, pamphlets, and 
private letters of the English and French, 
dealing with the war, have from the first 
been characterised by a self-control and 
calm determination, which in the case of 
the French has especially astonished Ameri- 
cans ; for we expected the French to be more 
excitable. Taken as a whole, the Teutonic 
literature has from the first been character- 
ised by an uncontrollable bitterness and vio- 
lent denunciation of the enemy and of 
neutrals; which has also surprised Ameri- 
cans, for we expected you to be more logical 
and self-contained than the French, instead 
of less so. 

Americans believe that the German peo- 
ple are a great people, capable of great and 
good things. They honour and admire the 
Germany which finds her best expression in 
the literature, music, and science which has 
justly made you famous. But they distrust 
[90] 



Reply to the German Professor 

and abhor the German Government which 
has made the name of Germany infamous. 
The heroic bravery of the German soldiers 
dying for their Fatherland, and the heroic 
fortitude of the German women who bear 
and suffer all — fail to evoke any enthusiasm 
in this country, or in other neutral coun- 
tries, because of the stain which the Ger- 
man military Government has put upon 
their sacrifices. Your greatest victories 
bring no world honour to your armies be- 
cause of the cloud of dishonour which hangs 
over every achievement of the German mili- 
tary machine. There is no enthusiasm, and 
very little praise, for the captors of War- 
saw and Vilna, for Americans remember 
that it was German soldiers who murdered 
innocent hostages from "military necessity," 
who destroyed much of Louvain from "mil- 
itary necessity," who violated every rule of 
civilised warfare and humanity in Belgium 
from "military necessity," who executed a 
noble English nurse from "military neces- 
sity," who wrecked priceless monuments of 
civilisation in France from "military neces- 
sity," who have dropped bombs from the 
[91] 



My German Correspondence 

sky in the darkness upon sleeping women 
and children in unfortified places, and 
slaughtered hundreds of innocent non-com- 
batants from "military necessity," who sent 
babes at the breast and their innocent 
mothers shrieking and strangling to a 
watery grave in mid-ocean from "military 
necessity," and who have defended every 
barbarous act, every crime against humanity 
on the specious and selfish plea that it was 
justified by "military necessity." Your 
Government has robbed your soldiers of all 
honour in the eyes of the world by making 
them the instruments of a military policy 
which the rest of the world unanimously 
condemns as brutal and barbarous. 

It seems to thoughtful Americans who 
know Germany and Germans best, that the 
highest duty of intelligent German profes- 
sors like yourself is not to attempt the hope- 
less task of converting the rest of the world 
to an approval of the methods of the Ger- 
man Government, but rather to use your 
whole influence to establish a German Gov- 
ernment which shall have a decent respect 
for the opinions of the rest of the world, 
[92] 



Reply to the German Professor 

and shall restore Germany to the place it 
used to have among civilised nations. Your 
greatest enemy is not the Russian, nor the 
French, nor the British Government. They 
might defeat you in war, but they never 
could take away your honour. Your great- 
est enemy is the Government which has 
dragged the fair name of Germany in the 
mire of dishonour, shocking the moral in- 
stincts of the whole world by acts no other 
civilised country would think of commit- 
ting. Your greatest enemy is the Govern- 
ment which stifles your individual develop- 
ment by making you the obedient tools of 
the "State," which smothers your free 
thought by a muzzled press under police 
control, which makes your learned men 
ridiculous in the eyes of the world by train- 
ing them to blind, unthinking support of 
the Government and credulous belief in 
whatever falsehoods it chooses to impose 
upon you for military and political pur- 
poses, which hurls you into a disastrous war 
without your knowledge or consent, and 
which brings down upon you the contempt 
of the whole world for crimes you would 
[93] 



My German Correspondence 

not yourselves commit, but which you must 
forsooth defend "for the good of the 
State." 

Americans believe that a Government 
which provokes a war and deceives its peo- 
ple to secure their support, should be de- 
stroyed; that a Government which breaks 
its treaties and murders an innocent neutral 
nation, should be destroyed ; that a Govern- 
ment which slaughters innocent hostages to 
prevent sniping by those whose homes are 
violently attacked, should be destroyed; 
that a Government which systematically 
and repeatedly bombards unfortified towns 
and villages, killing hundreds of innocent 
women and children, should be destroyed; 
that a Government which torpedoes un- 
armed passenger ships, drowning helpless 
men, women, and children by the thousand 
in shameful defiance of law and every in- 
stinct of humanity, should be destroyed; 
that a Government which in cold blood exe- 
cutes a woman nurse like Miss Cavell 
should be destroyed; that a Government 
which ruthlessly destroys works of art and 
monuments of civilisation and levies crush- 
[94] 



Reply to the German Professor 

ing indemnities on captured cities, in de- 
fiance of the well-established laws of war, 
should be destroyed. In the opinion of 
Americans, a Government which did any- 
one of these things would not be fit to exist 
in a civilised world. A Government which 
has done all of them and much more that is 
equally barbarous and brutal, must, in the 
opinion of the American people, be utterly 
destroyed. 

Americans hoped for many long years 
that the German people would themselves 
throw off the incubus of the military Gov- 
ernment which was crushing out their indi- 
viduality and making their country an ob- 
ject of distrust and fear to all those inter- 
ested in the progress of civilisation; but if 
you will not rid yourselves of the monster 
which has dishonoured and disgraced you 
before the world, then, in American opin- 
ion, the safety of the world and the future 
of Germany require that the present Ger- 
man Government shall be destroyed 
through military defeat. For this reason 
the American people are praying earnestly 
for Allied victory. While there is a sincere 
[95] 



My German Correspondence 

effort to maintain the technical neutrality * 
enjoined by the President, there is no neu- 
trality possible on the moral issues involved. 
Americans may not violate the neutrality of 
the nation by giving concerted military sup- 
port to the Allies; but they are practically 
unanimous in giving their whole moral sup- 
port to the nations engaged in the necessary 
task of destroying the monstrosity of Prus- 
sian militarism. Every aid which they can 
render the Allies without violating national 
neutrality is being given, not because they 
do not admire the German people, but be- 
cause the destruction of the present German 
Government is regarded as the essential first 
step in enabling the German people to re- 
turn to the place of honour they once held 
in the world. Americans would regard ulti- 
mate German victory as an intolerable dis- 
aster to civilisation; and they will never be 
satisfied until the German armies are de- 
cisively defeated. They believe that the 
ultimate defeat of Germany is assured, and 

* Happily the references to neutrality are no longer 
pertinent. Otherwise the statements are more true 
than on the day they were written. 
[96] 



Reply to the German Professor 

that the least suffering will result to the 
German people if they will themselves re- 
pudiate the Government which brought 
upon them their present sufferings, and will 
start anew with a modern Government re- 
sponsible to the will of the people. 
Sincerely yours, 

Douglas W. Johnson. 

The statement "There is no censorship of the Amer- 
ican Press" (page 42) describes the conditions under 
which American opinion was actually formed, when 
Germany was at war and America still neutral. It 
may be noted, however, that even in times of peace 
the German press was more effectually controlled by 
the government than is the American press in time of 
war. The refusal of Congress to pass the press cen- 
sorship bill desired by the Administration is significant 
of the temper of the American people touching this 
point. 



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